Former Labour reporter Comrade Joe Ajaero, who rose to become the President of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and now leads the Labour movement in Nigeria, was recently beaten in the course of his work by thugs while detained by the police. According to Okoye Henry, a spokesman for the Imo State Police Command, Ajaero was not detained during the November 1, 2023, demonstration in Owerri for unpaid salary. Ajaero, according to Henry, was in “protective custody.” Even well-meaning Nigerians were astonished by the kind of “protection” he received. Ajaero discusses concerns that have arisen between the administration and Labour since President Bola Tinubu took office on May 29, 2023, in this interview with Ochereome Nnanna, Chairman, Vanguard Editorial Board.
Why did you go to Owerri where you had this rough experience?
In order to advance my trade union activity, I travelled to Owerri. I travel from state to state in this manner. Every trade union responds to obstacles in the same way. I am neither the first and I will not be the last President of the NLC. There are 36 state councils in addition to Abuja, therefore there are issues at both the state and industrial council levels. The national body steps in where the issue appears more pressing than they are. For just this kind of thing, we were in Kaduna. We were in Imo when Rochas Okorocha was the governor. In the instance of Governor Nyesom Wike in Rivers, a comparable circumstance occurred. I travelled to Imo because state employees were labelled “ghost workers.”
According to the first group of victims, Governor Uzodimma claimed that the state’s wage bill totaled N1.2 billion, and he was only willing to pay N700 million. It has oscillated back and forth since then. However, the situation took a deadly turn when the governor declared that he had paid all of the people. There would have been an escape route if he had paid something and made a promise to the others when the economy improved.
READ ALSO: Ajaero: Let Tinubu Breathe!
The problem of violence was the second reason we went there. Someone outside the union leadership was named Chairman of the NLC by Rochas during his tenure. He moved in and occupied the space for more than nine months. We were left without a Chairman after the rightful Chairman departed the state. Declan Emelumba, the Commissioner for Information for Uzodimma, contacted me when we sought to elect officers in Imo State this year. ‘Candidate A’ was not what they wanted, they stated. Alright, let me to offer you some free counsel. Support candidate B if that’s what you desire. You could even offer him some cash. As a body, NLC is unable to disqualify any candidate who satisfies election requirements.
Thugs and police, under the command of a DPO, arrived on election day to sabotage the process. We established caretaker committees in Imo, Abia, and Osun, where comparable circumstances existed, after the election turned unresolved. In Imo, a group of persons identifying as Elders requested two weeks, saying they would speak with the governor and try to broker a settlement. We can have informal conciliators even in industrial interactions. It is accepted everywhere in the world. Those Elders have not responded to us as of yet. This year on May Day, Governor Uzodimma brought along some “labour leaders.” In order for the municipal unions and market unions to remain workers’ unions in Heroes Square, he wrote letters to their leaders. At our secretariat, our members and real employees proceeded to work on their own. Our people were beaten there by thugs and law enforcement, and several of them ended up in the hospital. They ruined everything and committed vandalism. “Speak to your brother,” instructed the Ogun State governor when he phoned me on Whatsapp. “Who is my brother?” I asked. Uzodimma enquired, “What makes you opposing me? “I’m not fighting with you,” I said. In my entire life, I have never met you. Workers should be paid. We got into negotiation mode. Uzodimma stated he would like to review each paragraph while we were bargaining. I replied, “Give him.” He was pulling them out. “Is that what you want?” I asked him when he was finished. We took a sign-off. He continued to violate his signature. I had calls from people every day. Humans were perishing. A husband and wife died as a result of being labelled as “ghost workers.” Later on, he said that his hectic schedule prevented him from carrying out the arrangement. We learned that Governor Uzodimma said he owed no one from the DSS. I declined, stating that not even the headmistress of the elementary school I went to was paid. Despite the assertion that she is an online person, this woman was invited to a promotion interview earlier this year, indicating that she is part of the system. This month, she will retire, and it will be her first paycheck in almost three years. She will likewise turn into a ghost pensioner once she retires. We therefore spoke with the workers when we got to the mass action. They numbered in the thousands. I asked them to return the next day so that we could march together and turn in a letter of protest. As these labourers were leaving the next day, they were being physically assaulted. I chose around nine in the morning to go and speak with the media. About twenty security guards were present when I arrived.
The governor also sent his people and security guards, and they all went down there. They ordered my arrest and withdrew my security staff. I was detained by the Police Area Commander and turned over to thugs, who made the most of their day. I was blindfolded and beaten the entire time. They advised me to offer my final prayers and explain that I was standing up to Hope Uzodimma because they were taking me to the Njaba River. Afterwards, they brought me to the Commissioner of Police’s office, where the blindfold was taken off.
Additionally, they had two TVC cameramen in custody and handcuffs. They told me to board a different bus. I was taken to Tiger Base by bus, which is known to be an extremely dangerous place. Afterwards, they returned me to the CP’s office. After apologising, the CP claimed to be bothering the police who were abusing me. I was brought to the Federal Medical Centre and then escorted to the police clinic, where I made touch with my people. Every security agency was following a predetermined script.
Who do you think gave the order for you to be beaten? Some have insinuated that it could have been an order from “above”, meaning Aso Villa over residual political grievances?
If there was an order from Abuja, Uzodimma was the one who executed it. That was not possible for Mr. President. He sent for us the day we had our protest in Abuja. When we went to visit him, I was still dressed in the same clothing I had on for the protest. We addressed every concern that gave rise to the demonstration. When we previously issued a notice of action, he arrived with a national broadcast and made an offer of N25,000, to which we declined. He gave in to N35, 000, agreed to extend it beyond a six-month period, and agreed to distribute it to all workers, not just the lowest paid. As you can see, the President is willing to negotiate. He didn’t say, “Go beat them up.” Uzodimma has been offering reasons why Joe Ajaero must be killed up until yesterday, when he was declared or appointed by INEC for a second term. Even after apologising on the internet, he continues to discuss why Joe Ajaero should not visit Imo State.
What has been your experience with the Bola Tinubu government since he assumed power? Would you say he is Labour-friendly?
As I have stated, President Bola Tinubu is a leader who believes in dialogue and negotiation, and he is willing to offer and take. But the Bola Tinubu administration is a different story. There is a lot of uncertainty in the administration about who is in charge of labour issues. Since the Obasanjo administration, the Secretary to the Government of the Federation and the Labour Minister have been in charge of Labour affairs. When Yar’ Adua arrived, the SGF was Babagana Kingibe. It was Anyim Pius Anyim when Jonathan was President. And that was Boss Mustapha during Buhari’s administration. I’m not familiar with the engagement system being developed by the Tinubu administration. The Tinubu administration’s Minister of Labour is not present. Apart from an initial discussion in his office, he does not make decisions. Femi Gbajabiamila, the President’s Chief of Staff, makes the decisions. Meetings are held in his office. He is a member of Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s personal staff. He was not among those approved by the National Assembly. As a result, anything he signs is exclusively for his principal and not for the Federal Government of Nigeria. The utilisation of courts is the second alarming symptom. Only in this administration do we receive a warning from a competent court when we issue a strike or protest notice. Protests are legal all throughout the world, according to an Appeal Court verdict. The police’s job is to safeguard protesters. The court issues an order prior to negotiations, putting the negotiators under duress. These two or three indicators are concerning. They’ve also wrecked the courts. Simon Lalong, the Minister of Labour, is a lawyer. He should understand that the right to strike is unalienable. The Nigerian government must learn to respect the sanctity of agreements. These are some of the difficulties we face in our democratic era.
There have been a number of exchanges between Labour and government is the past six months. Most of the time, Labour threatens to go on strike. Many Nigerians are saying that Labour is a sellout, and Labour should no longer be taken seriously to stand for the common man. What is your response to that?
Labour’s credibility under my leadership cannot be questioned. This belief stems from misinformation spread within the government. The government and their agents are spreading falsehoods about Labour being corrupted and given money to discredit some of us, which they have failed to accomplish. I was Secretary and Chairman of Labour in Vanguard before leaving to join mainstream Labour, and I did so for personal reasons rather than financial ones. Unfortunately, 99.9% of Nigerians have not received vocational and industrial education. If my people say they want N5,000, and we go to government, ask for it, and negotiate for it, and the government refuses to give it to us, we would go on strike. And the entire country is aware of it. If the government asks us to a meeting on the day of the strike, we will attend. There will be no strike if the government provides us N5,000. If we attend that meeting and the government says it cannot afford that N5,000 and produces the facts, we would take that into account, since ability to pay is central to talks. If the government earns N10 million and the pay bill is N12 million, the N5,000 requirement cannot be met. We may sign an agreement and collect N3, 000, subject to an upward review when the economy improves. Labour will sign an accord, you will hear. These are the issues that people need to be aware of. But they now bear our load because Labour has been compromised. This is how it is done in labour relations. The goal of negotiation is to obtain an agreement that can be implemented.
A radio analyst said Labour should have occupied the National Assembly over the N200 million cars for members of the National Assembly…
Nigerians have been abdicating their obligations for some time. Labour has a membership of less than ten million Nigerians. Other Nigerians are yelling “Labour!” However, they have not delegated to us the constitutional role of being the country’s police force. I was a student union leader when I was a student. Labour had been dissolved at the time, in 1988. Students, the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS), were responsible for the country’s closure. Babangida stated that this was a civilian coup. The country was in general distress. He established DFRRI, MAMSER, People’s Bank, Road Safety, and other organisations in order to create one million jobs. Nigerians took to the streets to scream enough is enough. It wasn’t the Labour Party. When the June 12 election was cancelled in 1993, Babangida and Abacha dissolved Labour. Civil society organisations such as the Civil Liberties Organisation (CLO), the Campaign for Democracy (CD), and independent labour organisations such as NUPENG and PENGASSAN spoke out. I say this because one action that all Nigerians should take is to protest Labour. It wasn’t Labour who led the EndSARS demonstrations. “Enough is enough,” exclaimed the country’s youth. There may be some Labour supporters present. There could be students present. Everyone may be present. Everyone saw how powerful the EndSARS protest was. The Buhari administration was forced to make numerous compromises. “Labour, go seize the National Assembly,” people say. Is it solely Labour money being used to buy those cars? When Labour took over the National Assembly, most Nigerians acted as if it didn’t matter. The Nigerian people chose those individuals to represent them. Our members chose us to represent them. Did Labour ask you to vote for those individuals? And no member of any political party will say, “No, I am APC, PDP, I will not collect this money.” All hands must be on deck to meet the nation’s difficulties, rather than leaving them to Labour alone when we already have our hands full.
How far is Labour preparing to go for the big battle ahead, the battle over the new national minimum wage? How much are you going to ask as the new NMW? I ask this against the background of the profligate tendencies of the Tinubu regime amidst scarce resources.
We once stated that we were going to request $200. It was then translated to around N200,000. It is dependent on the indices that will emerge during the negotiation. Someone announcing a figure now would be incorrect. Unless the issues of inflation rate, Naira value, cost of energy, and food inflation are addressed, whatever they deliver as the NMW will be basically meaningless in a short period of time. We would be blessed if we were paid N30,000 and our currency was equal to the dollar, or even N5 to the dollar. The cost of living index is quite important. How can I buy a bag of rice for N50,000 while earning N30,000? How can I afford to buy bread for N1,000 when I make N30,000? That means my family and I will only eat bread for the entire month, with no clean water, transportation, rent, school fees, medicare, or other needs. If we refine crude oil in Nigeria, the pressure on the Naira would be relieved, and the cost of energy will be reduced. These are the objectives that the government must pursue. We are currently selling crude oil at a premium and purchasing finished goods at a premium since we import. The government used to pay the difference, but it has now been passed on to the people. All of these things will come into play when that time arrives to determine what we will do.
There was this question we put to President Tinubu. We asked him why he is running a bloated government. He said he was creating jobs!Who said that?
President Tinubu. He said all the people being appointed, that is a form of job creation. My colleague in the TUC now reminded him that those appointees will have their own aides, and the President said yes, it is job creation. That was how he responded to us.
Did he say it as a joke?
That was his reaction to us. On a serious note, he said nothing else.
Labour’s membership in the Labour Party appears to be a tool of political blackmail, particularly in the hands of the Federal Government and the ruling APC, who now accuse you of engaging in partisan politics. Do you believe the NLC made a mistake by affiliating itself with a political party or pursuing a partisan agenda?
For starters, it is something that Labour parties all around the world do. Second, if Labour does not engage in politics, who will? Politics is Labour, and Labour is Politics. Scammers, 419 of them, are now governors, refusing to pay workers their lawful wages. Should politics be left to armed robbers?
A former IGP went to the Senate and was astounded by the amount of fraudsters he prosecuted who were senators. Soldiers are elected officials. Two retired generals have served as President of this Country. Are they more knowledgeable than Labour? Bring all those who are critical of Labour’s position in politics, and let us compare our consciousnesses to see if they can talk when we are talking. Labour’s political activity dates back to 1917 or 1918. Wallace Johnson, a Sierra Leonean journalist, was the first to establish a Labour Party in Nigeria. He was from Lagos.
After the 1945 Nigerian Railway workers’ strike, it took an alliance of Michael Imoudu’s Labour, the Zikist Movement, and Aminu Kano’s party to struggle for Nigeria’s independence with great consciousness in the 1930s and 1940s. The same Imoudu and others founded the Labour Party in 1954, which lasted until the military intervened in 1966. Comrade Paschal Bafyau founded the Labour Party in 1987, which finished fourth during Babangida’s political experiment.
That Labour Party joined with the SDP, which went on to win the presidential election in 1993. The SDP’s National Publicity Secretary was Frank Kokori. Paschal Bafyau was to be the SDP’s vice presidential candidate. When Chief Abiola was detained, Paschal Bafyau had to go to court to seek his release, but his followers persuaded him not to come out because the bail was conditional. Adams Oshiomhole, as President of the NLC, established the modern Labour Party, LP, in 2003. Oshiomhole was elected Governor of Edo State as a result of an alliance between his Labour Party and Tinubu’s Action Congress. The same Oshiomhole went on to become APC National Chairman. Every time Labour takes a position for the salvation of the country, there is a lot of blackmail trailing behind it. Comrade Nasir Irish, my colleague, is the Governor of Kebbi State; we were both Deputy Presidents. He is a member of the APC. Another former state Chairman of the NLC is presently the Deputy Governor of Niger State. Nobody specifies that every Labour Party member has to be a member of the Labour Party. I’ve been to two political rallies. One was given to Oshiomhole upon his inauguration as Governor of Edo State, and the other was given to the Governor of Kebbi State. Many people informed me they expected me to attend Dr. Alex Otii’s inauguration as Labour Party Governor of Abia State. We founded the Labour Party to provide easy tickets to struggling Nigerians who wished to run for office. For N100 million, a political party sold their presidential nomination form! When we assessed the scenario, we concluded that we required a political party in Nigeria where the son of no one could achieve any height. That has been accomplished. Two Okada riders are currently serving in the National Assembly on Labour Party tickets. We can send a messenger or a clerk, and we will provide him form. We make no excuses for this. Was the Governor of Imo State a messenger anywhere? Was he ever a clerk? If you bring a clerk here, he will be aware that there is an administration department, a finance department, that he must arrive at a specific time in the morning, and that if he is late, he will be aware of what awaits him. If someone like that becomes a public official, he will understand the importance of certain things, such as ensuring that individuals who labour receive their salary. Allow me to clarify. The NLC is not allowed to join any political party other than the Labour Party.
Our members, on the other hand, are free to join any party of their choice. Indeed, the vast majority of our members are linked with other political parties. Peter Obi, who is frequently cited, was the Labour Party’s presidential candidate before I was elected NLC President. We will not give up our efforts to enable the Labour Party become the party that will meet the expectations of all Nigerians. There is apprehension about anything Labour. As a result, when we formed a political party, we named it the Party for Social Democracy (PSD). We changed our name to Labour Party during our national convention. It is uncalled for for political operatives to attack us because of our genuine associations.